One of the most current topics in ecumenism is how the
different beliefs held by various churches can be reconciled.
One of the most important Orthodox-Catholic ecumenical dialogues
occurred in Belgrade in 2006 where 30 Catholic representatives
met their Orthodox counterparts from 14 Orthodox patriarchates
and autocephalous churches. Despite historical tensions,
some Orthodox representatives were receptive to the idea
of a unifying papal primacy of that of the first Christian
millennium while the Catholics assured them that Greek Catholic
churches ("the Uniates") were a historical phenomenon
and could no longer be viewed as a model for reunification.
The Catholic representatives assured their Orthodox counterparts
that it would safeguard legitimate differences (Luxmoore,
2006). But before we can talk about the Uniate churches
as a “historical phenomenon” and the safeguarding of "legitimate
differences", it is important to understand the historical
reasons why the Greek Catholic churches are viewed to have
failed to serve as a model for both reunification and for
the recognition of legitimate differences.
In this article, the developments that led to birth of
the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, both Autocephalous Orthodox
(UAOC) and Orthodox Church of Canada (UOCC), in Canada are
depicted during the period 1891-1928. This essay deals with
the factors that created the UAOC and the UOCC rather than
on the churches themselves. The churches’ growth, during
this time period, lay not in the immigration of large numbers
of Ukrainian Orthodox to Canada but in the conversion of
many Ukrainian Catholics to Orthodoxy and their founding
of a national Orthodox Church. In order to understand why
this mass conversion occurred it is necessary to examine
briefly Ukrainian church history, Ukrainian immigration
to Canada, and the many conflicting relationships that Ukrainian
immigrants had with other Canadian churches and with their
own clergy. The period of 1891 to 1928 was selected because
1891 was the beginning of the first official Ukrainian immigration
to Canada and 1928 was the year that the newly-formed Ukrainian
Orthodox Church of America, with its Canadian counterpart,
was fully established with its own allegiance to the world-wide
Orthodox communion via allegiance to the Patriarch of Constantinople.
Background
In order to understand the Ukrainians distrust of religious
clergy (monks) and of Latinisation and their desire to have
control over the appointment of priests and church affairs,
one has to understand the historical development of the
Ukrainian Christian Church. In the early history of this
church, bishops were elected by a council, which were composed
of clergy and lay delegates. The bishops administered eparchies
with the help of advisory councils (cleros) composed of
laity (Wlasowsky, 1974: pp 44-45). Consequently, many of
the reforms demanded by the laity of the Ukrainian Catholic
Church, in later centuries, had an early historical basis.
Ukrainians adopted Byzantine rather than Roman Catholic
Christianity because the Ukrainian ruler, Vladimir, desired
stronger political-military ties with Byzantium and because
Byzantine missionaries, unlike their Roman Catholic counterparts,
preached in the local language that could be understood
by the Ukrainian people (Wlasowsky, 1974: p 63)
With the destruction of the old Kievan State, the Christian
Church became more important to the survivors in Galicia
as the sole institution uniting the people. Byzantine Christianity’s
closeness to the local people increased when it inculturated
local pagan rituals and songs into its Christianity (Wlasowsky,
1974: pp 1141-143). To many people, their religious affiliation
was stronger than cultural and national ties in defining
their self-identity. Iiulian Bachynsky summarised this feeling
in 1914 with the following statement:
Nothing has penetrated nor filled the spiritual life
of the Ukrainian nor filled the spiritual life of the Ukrainian
peasant-immigrant so thoroughly as did the church and church
rite. Back in his village, the church and rite had become
part of him. They became his ethical roadsigns, the guidelines
of the pious life here on earth which he was taught, led
to salvation and rewards after death…There (in the church)
his life found spiritual food. There he found and even expressed
his own aesthetic findings, amidst all of the light paintings,
and glistening clothes of God’s servants with their serious,
unusual movements of hands and bodies and their incense,
bells, and singing. This was such unusual beauty, and he
was enraptured by it (Yereniuk, 1989: p 110).
Secret attempts to Latinise the Byzantine Christians began
early. When Poland conquered Galicia during the 14th
century, Casimir the Great of Poland promised religious
toleration in order to win the support of local Orthodox
nobles but secretly tried to promote Catholicism by importing
Catholic colonists into Galicia. Catholic religious orders
of Franciscans and Dominicans were imported to “evangelise”
the people in Galicia. Jesuit secondary schools were established,
to address the educational vacuum created when the Poles
prohibited non-elementary Ukrainian schools in Galicia,
in order to attempt to convert their Ukrainian students
to Roman Catholicism (Wlasowsky, 1974: pp 179-189). The
Union of Brest-Litovsk in 1596 was a unification of the
Catholic and Orthodox churches, notably in Galicia. The
Catholic pope at the time, Clement VIII, promised the newly
united Orthodox clergy freedom to practice their own rite
without restriction (Kucharek, 1989: pp 69-71). To the
ordinary parishioners, there was little difference, in terms
of church practices, between the Orthodox and Ukrainian
Catholic priests, other than the Catholic priests swore
allegiance to Rome rather than the Orthodox patriarch. Consequently,
the faithful could always switch between Orthodox and Ukrainian
Catholic services/churches without feeling “out of place”
(Kohash, 1992). However, the upper classes in Galicia became
Roman Catholic (although forbidden to change their rite
by papal decree) in order to maintain or improve their positions
(Kucharek, 1989: pp 69-71). Consequently, Ukrainians lost
their nobility to Roman Catholicism, leaving their priests
as community leaders (Krawchuk, 1981). Even when Galicia
changed from Polish to Austrian hands in 1772, the Ukrainians
continued to be a submerged and exploited people. In 1867,
the Austrian Emperor, Franz Joseph, granted the minority
Polish gentry (shliakhta) ascendancy over his Ukrainian
subjects in return for their political support. The Polish
gentry, in turn, pursued their own interests at the expense
of the Ukrainians, who formed the majority of the population
in this area. The Polish gentry staffed the government,
at all levels, with fellow Poles and suppressed Ukrainian
schools and organisations. This suppression drove the Ukrainians
into the Russian camp that advocated the idea of “one Russian
nation, one Russian language, one Russian Orthodox Church”
(Yuzyk, 1981: pp 30-32; Yereniuk, 1989: p 110). As a consequence
of this history, the Ukrainian people were very suspicious
of Catholic clergy and of nobles as agents intent on “Latinising”
them and they were more receptive to Russian Orthodoxy.
Under the ukaz of Ems in 1876, the Russian Tsar prohibited
all Ukrainian political activities and institutions in Russian-controlled
Ukraine, forcing many Ukrainian nationalists to flee to
Galicia (Petryshyn, 1985: p 22). This exodus, and the nationalists’
subsequent flight to Canada, was important in the latter
creation of a strongly nationalistic intelligensia in Canada.
The Orthodox Church in Bukovyna controlled over a quarter
of the province’s total surface area. The Catholic church
controlled huge sections of land while peasants’ individual
landholdings decreased. Many Ukrainian Catholic priests
were large farmers who exploited peasants (Balan, 1984).
Consequently, many Ukrainians were anxious to maintain control
over the property of their churches, which they built with
their donated labour and which served as their community
centres, rather than turn their churches over to a large,
exploitative landowner in the Ukraine (the churches) and
which would subject them to loss of control over these churches.
In order to understand why the Ukrainian immigrant in
Canada was so tied to their churches and clergy and why
they were fearfully nationalistic, one first has to remember
that in the Ukraine their non-religious organizations and
schools were suppressed and they were under constant pressure
by the Polish Catholic clergy to assimilate. Faced with
assimilationist pressure and subjugation, the Ukrainian
Catholic religion came to represent ethnic identity and
this religion became a bearer of national aspirations and
of the culture of the people. To the Ukrainian in the Ukraine,
of normally peasant culture, the church ceremonies reflected
life’s natural rhythms of birth, marriage, and death that
expressed their intense sense of community; resident clergy
were essential to their group’s survival. (Gerus, 1985).
Immigration to North America
Between 1891 to World War I, over 150 000 Ukrainian immigrants
arrived in Canada from Galicia, whom most were Ukrainian
Catholic, and Bukovyna, whom most were Orthodox, from the
Austro-Hungarian Empire (Yereniuk, 1989: p 110). The British
government was anxious to settle Western Canada with immigrants
both to serve as an economic colony of the settled eastern
part of Canada and to stop the influx of American settlers
(with their resulting demands for American annexation) who
moved north into Canada when land in America became scarce
after 1890 (Owram, 1981). The majority of these Ukrainian
immigrants were Ukrainian Catholics rather than Orthodox
(Petryshyn, 1985). Although Ukrainians in both the Austro-Hungarian
Empire and Russian Empire both suffered from the common
emigration reasons of overpopulation, oppressive assimilationist
institutions, poverty, and land hunger, the Russian Empire,
unlike the Austro-Hungarian Empire, forbade emigration in
order to have a pool of immigrants to settle the vast expanses
of Siberia (Marunchak, 1970: p 22; Udod, 1978). These immigrants
to Canada were predominantly peasants with little or no
formal education and who had left their homelands with a
muddled sense of identity only to find themselves in a alien
culture and environment in Canada (Yuzyk, 1981: pp 29-30).
Although earlier immigrations of Ukrainians to Brazil
and America occurred, these immigrations were different
from their Canadian counterparts. In the US, by 1890, all
the available farmland was taken so Ukrainians were relegated
to the urban ghetto or mines where they were cruelly exploited.
In Brazil, although free passage was offered, the Ukrainian
immigrant was economically enslaved and forced to work on
plantations in place of the newly-freed Negro slaves. In
Canada, the immigrant received their much coveted farmland.
Furthermore, Dr. Joseph Oleskiw of Lviv, Ukraine wrote many
pamphlets in Ukrainian to encourage immigration to Canada
(Kaye, 1978).
Most of the Ukrainian immigrants who came to Canada before
World War I settled in frontier Prairie colonies from the
south-west corner of Manitoba to the Peace River country
in north-western Alberta. They generally settled on second-rate
quality land. Although these immigrants were ignorant of
the conditions, laws, and methods of Canada and suffered
under primitive conditions, lack of capital, and other severe
handicaps, the Ukrainian immigrants gradually developed
their farms and brought civilisation to what was formerly
wilderness. However, initially, with their farms not fully
developed, these immigrants were poverty-stricken. These
immigrants settled in bloc settlements, which often attracted
outside criticism, in order to make their difficult pioneer
life easier to bear (Yuzyk, 1981: p 34).
In Canada, the Manitoba School Act provided bilingual education
(English-Ukrainian, English-French, etc) for immigrants
until the World War I scare forced its abrogation. After
bilingual education in schools was suppressed, the Ukrainians
turned to after-school education in the Ukrainian language
and to their own university bursas. These bilingual educational
institutions were responsible for the creation of a Ukrainian-Canadian
intelligensia that could operate equally well in both the
Ukrainian-Canadian and British-Canadian communities (Darcovich,
1967). During this period, by taking advantage of Canada’s
social mobility and influenced by Ukrainian nationalists
in Galicia, a new class of educated professionals (lawyers,
teachers, and doctors) of immigrants was created; this new
class were less dependent on clerical control than their
peasant-forebears (Krawchuk, 1989: pp 87-91). However, this
new class of intelligensia was a minority because in order
to take advantage of education in Canada, through the Ruthenian
teacher training colleges or through Canadian universities,
secondary school training in the Ukraine was required; this
requirement restricted membership in this group to only
the children of more wealthy immigrants (Udod, 1978). These
intelligensia, in their education, were influenced by the
history books of Professor Hrushevsky and Mykola Arkas who
portrayed the Ukrainian Church as Orthodox until the Union
of Brest (Yuzyk, 1980) that led their readers to re-evaluate
their Ukrainian Catholic background, if present. Although
of varying religious denominations, this intelligensia judged
the worth of individuals on their degree of nationalism.
Furthermore, these intelligensia, often teachers, formed
community leaders to replace the absent clergy (Udod, 1978).
This growing sense of self-assertiveness among Ukrainian
immigrants and this new class of educated professionals
would be instrumental in the establishment of a Ukrainian
Orthodox Church later on.
The immigrant faced much discrimination in Canada that
increased their nationalism. Many British-Canadians, including
Protestant missionaries, saw it was their duty to “elevate”
the Ukrainian immigrants to the ideals of the superior “British”
culture; this attitude deeply offended the immigrants (Balan,
1984). Because they were willing to work under more difficult
conditions for lower pay than other Canadians, they posed
a threat to the Canadian’s economic well-being and they,
thus, were often the targets of abuse. When Ukrainian immigrants
in an alien land were faced with pressure to assimilate
by the Roman Catholics and British-Canadians, they became
more entrenched in their culture. In their rural bloc settlements,
with the sharing of Ukrainian-Canadian newspapers and contact
with other settlers from different parts of the Ukrainian
within the same settlement, their sense of inclusion increased
(Gerus, 1985). This sense of self-identity was crucial for
them in order to fit in with Canadian society; with a strong
sense of self-identity, the Ukrainians were able to gain
the necessary self-esteem to participate in Canadian life
outside their ethnic group; achievements by Ukrainians outside
their ethnic group helped strengthen their sense of worthiness
of the Ukrainian identity (Darcovich, 1967). When the Ukrainian
immigrant moved to Canada, they did not dream of sacrificing
their language, religion, or traditions in the process (Hardwick,
1973).
Desire for Ukrainian Clergy
During the first years of immigration, there were no permanent
clergy to service the new Ukrainian settlers. Without church
buildings or priests, many immigrants gathered in private
homes to chant the cantor’s part of the mass. Although within
a decade of arrival of the first immigrants, over twenty
church buildings were erected but these churches were without
priests (Yereniuk, 1989: pp 118-123). Uncomfortable in this
spiritual vacuum, many immigrants wrote to the bishops in
their homelands pleading for priests (Yuzyk, 1981; Young,
1931).
The background of the Orthodox Church in Canada lay in
the missionary service of the Orthodox Church of the Russian
Empire. In 1897, a permanent missionary service was established
at Stary Wost in Alberta which had received many immigrants
recently from the Ukraine (History, 2006). Although only
a small number of immigrants to Canada came from Russian-controlled
Ukraine, some Ukrainian Catholics left their church, which
was identified by many Ukrainians as being too closely allied
with the hated oppressing Poles, to join the Russian Orthodox
Church both in the Ukraine and in Canada. In response, many
Russified clergymen from Ukraine carried on missionary work
among Ukrainian immigrants in Canada, played a leading role
in establishing the Russian Orthodox Church in Canada, and
spread Russophile ideas among their converts (Yuzyk, 1981:
pp 30-32). The Orthodox Church in the Ukraine, out of deference
to jurisdictional claims by the Russian Orthodox Church
over North America, did not respond to the immigrants’ pleas.
Hence, any Orthodox clergy sent to Canada were Russian priests
that could be spared by the Russian Orthodox diocese in
North America (Yuzyk, 1981).
The reasons for the lack of Ukrainian Catholic clergy
were complex. The Roman Catholic bishops in North America
were so strongly incensed at having married Ukrainian Catholic
priests serve North America’s Slavic population that they
persuaded the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of
the Faith of the Oriental Rites in Rome to issue a decree
forbidding married priests to serve in America on April
12, 1894. Because only 3% of the priests in Galicia were
celibate at that time, providing clergy for the growing
Slavic population in America was very difficult (Yuzyk,
1981: p 42; Krawchuk, 1989: pp 87-91). The few celibate
priests were usually cloistered monks; the early Ukrainian
population in America was unaccustomed to having monks,
newly reformed by Roman Catholic Jesuits, serve them and
consequently, for some time, viewed these monks with suspicion
(Yuzyk, 1981: p 42). Furthermore, the immigrants wanted
family men as clergy for guidance rather than cloistered,
celibate monks (Balan, 1984). In 1901, Metropolitan Sheptytsky
of the Ukrainian Catholic Church promised to send priests;
in 1902, a few arrived. The Basilian Order of St Josaphat,
the only native Ukrainian monastic order, was suppressed
by Austrian Emperor Joseph II in the late 18th
century that resulted in most of their monasteries being
closed and their going into a long decline. In 1882, the
Roman Catholic Jesuits reformed the Basilians. However,
these reforms were barely in place, with few priests finishing
their studies and being ordained as priests, when the demands
from the huge Ukrainian influx into the Americas overcame
their number of available celibate priests. The first ordained
Basilian priests were sent out as missionaries overseas
(Timeline, 2006; Yereniuk, 1989: p 110). Consequently, because
of these Jesuit reforms, Ukrainians viewed the Basilians
as Roman Catholics under the guise of Byzantine Catholic.
Furthermore, the Basilians lacked the number of celibate
priests to respond to the requirements of these Ukrainian
immigrants. An example, the 5 or 6 Basilian priests sent
by Sheptysky could not manage the thousands of Greek Catholic
settlers in wide-spread settlements over three huge Canada
provinces (Yuzyk, 1981; Young, 1931). Few Ukrainian Catholic
parish priests (even if celibate), who enjoyed a state salary
and profits from church lands, were willing to go to an
alien land where they had to rely on poverty-stricken parishioners
for their upkeep (Filevitch, 1988). The few Ukrainian priests
that came to Canada rarely stayed more than a year or two
in Canada because the extreme poverty of the immigrants
made it impossible for them to support a parish priest,
conflicts with the Roman Catholic clergy who considered
their ministry an intrusion on their jurisdiction, and a
growing Ukrainian Catholic-Orthodox split among the laity
(Krawchuk, 1989: pp 87-91). An example, the first Ukrainian
Catholic priest, Fr. Dmytriw, had to work for several months
in the Canadian Immigration Bureau of the Canadian government
in order to finance his whirlwind tour of the Ukrainian-Canadian
settlements (Marunchak, 1970: p 101). On May 1, 1897, the
Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith of
the Oriental Rites in Rome, in defiance of a long history
that placed Byzantine rite clergy under their own rites
and superiority, placed Ukrainian Catholic priests under
the jurisdiction of the Roman Catholic bishops in North
America. This action exacerbated tensions between the two
groups (Marunchak, 1970: p 99).
Because they were so closely attached to their native
forms of worship and without their own clergy, Ukrainian
immigrants resorted to “foreign” churches such as the Roman
Catholic, Protestant, and Russian Orthodox churches only
in dire need such as funerals, marriages, and christenings.
Seizing the opportunity, many missionaries from various
Canadian denominations unsuccessfully tried to do missionary
work among these immigrants. One positive aspect of this
missionary work was that for the first time, the immigrant
was able to select their religion, thus developing and reinforcing
a sense of self-worth and independence. In the democratic
environment of Canada, self-assertiveness was encouraged
and this self-assertiveness first manifested itself in the
realm of religious expression for Ukrainian immigrants (Yuzyk,
1981: pp 34-35; Yereniuk, 1989: pp 118-123).
The Ukrainian bloc settlement usually contained a cross-section
of people from different nationalities that made conflicting
factions easier to form. The first sign of this conflict
occurred in the village of Star, Alberta that had most of
its immigrants from the village of Nebyliv, Galicia in the
foothills of the Carpathian Mountains. This village was
predominantly Ukrainian Catholic but had some Russophile
sympathisers. Upon the invitation of these Ukrainian settlers,
a Ukrainian Catholic priest resident in New Jersey, USA,
Fr. Nestor Dmytriw, did a whirlwind tour of many of the
settlements throughout Western Canada. He spent several
days in Star where he baptised infants, heard confessions,
and consecrated a cemetery. According to Yuzyk, an Orthodox
writer, any good will that this visit created was soon dissipated
when Fr. Dmytriw’s articles in his paper, the Svoboda,
depicted conditions in the district in uncomplimentary terms
with derogatory references to the Ukrainian women immigrants
as resembling Amerindian women (“squaws”) and Ukrainian
men immigrants as beggars. These references offended the
poor but proud pioneers (Yuzyk, 1981: pp 36-37). However,
a closer reading of Dmytriw’s accounts reveal that he accurately
described the settlers in a wide variety of conditions (the
amount of capital an immigrant brought to Canada plus some
luck greatly determined their initial success); the one
man pitifully described as a beggar was one who initially
immigrated with 300 gold florins but who was robbed by everyone
throughout his journey until he possessed only four cents
when he arrived in the settlement. The immigrant children
were described as learning English quickly and by working
for well-off farmers, they were able to support their families
(Kaye, 1978). Because these bloc settlements contained a
cross-section of people and these people were poor, the
Ukrainian Catholic and Orthodox settlers within the settlement
could not easily afford to build and support both a Catholic
and Orthodox parish and priests. Hence, in most cases, the
settlers built and staffed a church according to the predominant
religious adherence of the majority of the parishioners,
regardless of their own personal religious convictions or
affiliations (Yuzyk, 1981: pp 36-37).
In the meantime, some Russophile settlers wrote to the
San Franscisco-based Russian Orthodox prelate, Nicholas,
and asked for priests. Upon hearing of Fr Dmytriw’s visit,
the Russian Orthodox prelate Nicholas sent Fr Dimitri Kameneff
and deacon Vladimir Alexandroff to the Ukrainian-Canadian
Star settlement in Alberta, Canada. A decision to build
a church was made. Upon hearing of the plans to build a
church in Star, Fr Dmytriw returned to the Star settlement
in September accompanied by Bishop Legal of the Roman Catholic
diocese of St Albert. Because at that time there was no
Ukrainian Catholic hierarchy in Canada, the Roman Catholic
bishop had nominally assumed jurisdictions over Ukrainian
Catholics. Bishop Legal promised to secure land for the
congregation and promised financial assistance if they built
a Ukrainian Catholic Church. The land that the church was
to be built upon was specified to belong to the trustees
of the Ukrainian Catholic Church when submitted as such
to the Land Titles Office. Bishop Legal, without knowledge
of the congregation, surreptitiously applied to get this
land vested in the Roman Catholic bishop of St Albert “in
trust for the purposes of the Ukrainian Catholic Church
at Limestone Lake”. When the congregation found about the
bishop’s application, they appealed only to be told by the
bishop’s representative that they must follow the dictates
of the Roman Catholic hierarchy. The dispute over church
land came to a head when a Russian Orthodox priest, Jacob
Korchinksy, whose effective sermons drew a large following,
attempted to enter the church building on Easter morning
in 1900 but was blocked by the Ukrainian Catholic faithful.
Although Korchinsky was escorted by a policeman, the policeman
locked the church building until the matter was resolved
in court. Through various court hearings and appeals, the
Privy Council finally decided in 1907 to give to the Ukrainian
Catholic trustees the final legal claim to the land and
the church. This Privy Council decision greatly strengthened
the power of the church trustees. In the homeland, the Austrian
government collected, even extorted, taxes that were used
to maintain the church and its priest. In Canada, each congregation
was responsible for maintaining their church and priest.
Having a share in the property made parishioners aware of
their right to decide matters of policy and even approve
or disapprove of the actions of the priests; these actions
would be considered untenable in the homeland (Yuzyk, 1981:
pp 37-40). Other factors included the fear that without
control of their church property, the parishioners would
be more easily manipulated and assimilated by the Roman
Catholic clergy in Canada (reminding them of the Polish
Catholic clergy assimilationist attempts in the Ukraine)
plus the fact that in the Ukraine, the churches were large
landowners and exploiters of peasants. The parishioners,
with the church as their one sign of ownership, were unwilling
to give up their donated money and labour to enrich solely
the Church (Balan, 1984). This decision also strengthened
Ukrainians realisation of their democratic rights and their
individual freedom (Yuzyk, 1981: pp 37-40).
Ukrainian Catholics and their Split to Orthodoxy
One of the most fundamental reasons that led to strife
and the growth of Orthodox Church in North America was the
ignorance of the Roman Catholic hierarchy in regards to
the Ukrainian Catholic/Orthodox faith. In 1901, a convention
of Ukrainian Catholic priests was called at Shamokin, Pennsylvania.
They formed a society of fifteen Ukrainian Catholic congregations,
the “Society of Ruthenian Church Congregations in the United
States and Canada”, with a general council composed of one
half clergy and one half laity. In an article in 1902, “Let
us frankly tell ourselves the truth”, a Ukrainian Catholic
priest, Fr Ivan Ardan, denounced Roman Catholic policies.
Fr Ardan then wrote to Bishop Hoban of Scranton, Pennsylvania
informing him that he no longer recognised the Roman Catholic
bishop’s jurisdiction. Bishop Hoban excommunicated Fr Ardan
and legally deprived him of his parish (Yuzyk, 1981: p 42).
On March 26 1902, the Society of Ruthenian Congregations
called another convention at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. Although
they decided to remain in communion with the Roman Catholic
Church, they demanded the creation of a Ukrainian Catholic
hierarchy with jurisdictions over Ukrainian Catholics in
North America and the annulment of the previous decrees
of the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith
of the Oriental Rites in Rome. In order to back up their
demand, they began to correspond with the Holy Synod in
St Petersburg and asked for recognition of an independent
Orthodox bishop for America in return for their congregations’
conversion to Orthodoxy. The Synod, fearing that Orthodox
bishops in the Ukraine might make similar demands for independence
from the Synod, refused (Yuzyk, 1981: pp 42-43).
The increased flow of Ukrainian Catholic to the Russian
Orthodox fold and the constant complaints of North American
parishes offended by the insulting actions of the local
Roman Catholic bishops compelled the Vatican to issue the
papal bull, Ea Semper, on June 3, 1907 which established
a separate Ukrainian Catholic bishop, in the person of Soter
Ortynski, for Ukrainian Catholic Americans. However, this
Ukrainian Catholic bishop did not have a diocese of his
own but he was a suffragan of each Roman Catholic bishop
with Ukrainian Catholic parishes under his jurisdiction.
In Western Canada, when the Roman Catholic bishops realised
that the Ukrainian Catholics refused their supervision,
the bishops asked Rome to send celibate monastic Ukrainian
Catholic priests to Canada. In time, a number of Ukrainian
Catholic priests were sent (Yuzyk, 1981: pp 44-45).
Ukrainians were very wary of any possible “Latinisation”
of their church that to them represented the oppressive
and hated Polish domination. The continued subordination
of their church to the Roman Catholic Church in America,
the lack of their familiar married clergy, and their growing
democratic consciousness of North American Ukrainian Catholics
meant that many joined the Orthodox Church. Many of the
newly-formed churches in Alberta did not follow the Ukrainian
Catholic clergy’s advice in signing Church property over
to the Roman Catholic diocese but adopted the trustee ownership
model, citing the British Privy Council decision. If the
priests protested, they would simply be replaced by Russian
Orthodox clergy (Yuzyk, 1981: p 45).
Other factors included the ability of Russian Church to
take advantage of the strife Ukrainian Catholics endured
under Roman Catholics, their exclusive jurisdiction in North
America which meant that Slavs would always dominate the
hierarchy, the Russian Orthodox Church’s non-requirement
that a parish incorporate under their church, their use
of the Old Church Slavonic that was familiar to many Ukrainian
settlers from their churches back home, and Russian subsidisation
of their churches which enabled settlers to obtain financial
assistance to build churches and which allowed Russian Orthodox
priests to offer their services for little or nothing. The
Russian Orthodox Church continued to expand for several
years, claiming 110 parishes in Canada by 1916. Their most
successful conversion of Ukrainian Catholic parishes occurred
in parishes with part of their settlers from Bukovyna, who
traditionally were Orthodox (Yuzyk, 1981: pp 46-47).
The Role of the Ukrainian-Canadian Intelligentsia in
the Orthodox Church vs. Ukrainian Catholic Church Debate
Many Ukrainian-Canadian papers served special interests
but all of them tried to bind the Ukrainian settlers together
and to end their sense of physical and psychological isolation
(Gerus, 1985). Most of these papers, serving a special interest,
would use the Ukrainian-Canadian reader’s fear of assimilation
to disparage an opponent. An example, Ukrainian Catholic
clergy were portrayed as “Poles in disguise”, with an intent
on Latinising the Ukrainian-Canadians, while Orthodox clergy
were depicted as “Russian or Presbyterian agents” who wanted
to make Ukrainian-Canadians subservient to Moscow. Opponents
of the Ukrainian Catholic Church found a voice in an early
Ukrainian Canadian paper, Kanadiiskyi Farmer, which
published an article, “The Church Question in Canada (May
22, 1908), in which the author, Wasyl Kudryk, argued that
the Ukrainian Catholic faith was really derived from the
Orthodox faith and that the Ukrainian Catholic priests,
the Basilians, were really Jesuits intent on “Latinising”
the Ukrainians in Canada. He claimed that people opposed
the Basilian practice of “signing over” church property
to the French Catholic bishops. As a solution, he called
for a Ukrainian Catholic national church, independent of
Rome and with a member-elected bishop at its head. Another
article appeared on July 30, 1909 in the same paper in which
the Ukrainian Catholic Metropolitan of the Ukraine, Sheptytsky,
was denounced as a Pole and Bishop Ortynsky was criticised
for his alleged policy of “Latinising” the Ukrainian Catholic
Church in the US. The Basilian priests were criticised due
to their subordination to the French Catholic bishops in
Canada and the missionary Belgian/French Catholic priests
(the Redemptorists), who had converted from the Latin to
the Byzantine rite to serve the Ukrainian Catholic faithful,
were portrayed as Latin agents who were interested only
in bringing Ukrainian Catholics under the control of Rome
(Yuzyk, 1981: pp 59-60).
Another early Ukrainian paper, Holos, founded by
the new Ukrainian-Canadian intelligentsia, also criticised
the control of the French Catholic bishops and Ukrainian
rite French priests. The practice of signing over church
property to the church hierarchy made the church seem as
if it was a corporation like a railroad – it asked, “how
much church property was incorporated by the apostles?”
Metropolitan Sheptysky’s, characterised by Holos
as the “the Pole”, claim that sending Ukrainian secular
priests from Galicia “was too difficult” meant that the
Ukrainians would continue to be served by French clergy
(“wolves in sheep’s clothing”). In response, the Ukrainian
Catholic Church established its own paper, Kanadiiski
Rusyn, to counter Holos on May 27, 1911 (Yuzyk,
1981: pp 61-63). The editors of Holos and later the
Saskatoon bursa represented the newly emerging Ukrainian-Canadian
intelligentsia who were beginning to question the clerical
control over their lives (Krawchuk, 1989: pp 87-91; Yerekiuk,
1989: pp 118-123).
In a Holos serial, “The Course of Hundreds of Year”,
the Orthodox Church was presented favourably while the Ukrainian
Catholic Church was presented unfavourably (Yuzyk, 1981:
p 64). An editorial on May 27, 1914 in Holos warned
against both Ukrainian Catholicism and Russian Orthodoxy:
Catholicism is an alien to us as is Muscovite Orthodoxy…when
the Ukrainskyi Holos has in mind “Orthodoxy” then it is
such an Orthodoxy which should be our own national one,
and not Muscovite or any other kind…In Catholicism, as in
Russian Orthodoxy, Ukrainian patriotism is not compatible.
The one and the other desire to make of a Ukrainian a servile
slave, not a patriot: not even a man, but only a blind tool
of their own interests (Yuzyk, 1981: p 65)
This editorial expresses a common idea that pre-dates
Ukrainian immigration to Canada. Ukrainian immigrants were
very wary of foreign domination of them, like they had suffered
in their homelands, and were very careful to avoid this
situation in Canada, whether in the form of Latin Catholicism
or Russian Orthodoxy.
The Rusyn replied in an editorial on November 4,
1914 which acknowledged that although there were some legitimate
Orthodox believers in Canada, these Orthodox faithful were
not organised but manipulated by Russians serving imperial
interests. The recent appointment of a Russian bishop for
Canada only provided evidence of this intent. Because the
Orthodox Church was an instrument of the Russian government,
Ukrainians who supported this church were not patriots but
traitors (Yuzyk, 1981: p 65).
A number of Ukrainian Catholic parishes took Holos’
advice and refused to have their church property incorporated
under the charter of the local bishop. Other parishes announced
that they would refuse entry to the Redemptorists and demanded
married Ukrainian clergy. These declarations were held in
force until the outbreak of World War I served to divert
people’s attentions to more important concerns (Yuzyk, 1981:
p 64).
Relations between Ukrainian Catholic and Orthodox over
Saskatoon’s Bursa
Co-operation between the Orthodox and Ukrainian Catholic
churches occasionally occurred. An example, in March, 1916,
the Peter Mohyla Bursa (named after a seventeenth century
Orthodox leader and educator) opened in Saskatoon with 35
students: 23 Ukrainian Catholics, 6 Protestants, 4 Orthodox,
and 2 Roman Catholic. The purpose of a bursa was to provide
a residence for students, in a Ukrainian environment, attending
the nearby university, in this case the University of Saskatchewan.
Although the bursa was named after an Orthodox educator,
the Rusyn newspaper was initially favourably disposed
towards this bursa; it printed appeals for money and published
several articles supportive of the fledging bursa. During
the 4th and 5th of August, a “National
Convention” was called in Saskatoon by the founders of the
bursa. Ukrainian Catholic bishop Budka attended this conference.
About 500 people, representing sixty localities in Saskatchewan,
Alberta, and Manitoba attended. An agreement regarding the
“national” character of the institution was reached and
an executive for the bursa was elected (Yuzyk, 1981: p 66).
Shortly after the convention ended, the Rusyn newspaper
began to question the wisdom of the purely “secular” nature
of the bursa. It accused the Holos newspaper of ignoring
the Ukrainian Catholic schools and bursy in Winnipeg, Sifton,
Mundare, and Edmonton. Rusyn, the official paper
of the Ukrainian Catholic hierarchy, demanded that “in education
it is necessary to decide if the school was to be run according
to Catholic, Presbyterian, or Methodist principles, or no
principles at all. The editorial also asked to know explicitly
whether the Ukrainskyii Holos and ‘their’ bursy, outside
of which there are no others in Canada, are those institutions
national or do the people have the right to demand the recognition
of their life principles?” (Yuzyk, 1981: pp 66-67).
Holos replied that the question is not whether
these institutions were Ukrainian Catholic but Ukrainian:
“We must place first our own Kiev, and not alien Rome”.
Holos then stated:
Those schools which are under the control of the French
must not be polished and called Ukrainian, as does the Kanadiiskyi
Rusyn when it mentions the Sifton, Yorkton, and other
schools in the hands of the French. It is a pity that they
are in the hands of our Bishop. They would then not be ours.
So also the Presbyterian and Methodist bursy can not be
regarded as Ukrainian, but foreign… A secular bursa
is necessary, and if one did not exist, it would be necessary
to establish it even today (Yuzyk, 1981: p 67).
The Mohyla Bursa executive then asked Bishop Budka for
equality of all denominations. Budka responded on May 14,
1917 with the following statement:
The bursa is Christian, but not Greek [Ukrainian] Catholic…
because almost all students are Greek Catholics, it ought
to be Greek Catholic entirely; yet to break the rule there
are several others [i.e. non-Catholics]. Such a position
may suit the executive, but it is impossible for Catholics…I
do not favour a bursa in which various denominations
are accommodated…I shall be forced to urge the people to
establish a Greek Catholic bursa (Yuzyk, 1981: p
67)
Holos asked if the Ukrainian people would allow a clerical
clique to control their property and cultural gains. Rusyn
replied a week later claiming that the executive wanted
the Ukrainian people to be without religion – “ a true Ukrainian
cannot be a true Catholic”. On January 20, 1917, the bursa
was incorporated as the “P. Mohyla Ukrainian Institute”
in order to ensure that the Ukrainian character of the institution
remained and that democratic control of the institution
was guaranteed (Yuzyk, 1981: p 67). The Ukrainian-Canadian
intelligentsia, who controlled the bursa, wanted the bursa
to be inter-denominational with a Ukrainian character while
Bishop Budka wanted to maintain ecclesiastical control over
all aspects of community life, including the bursa (Balan,
1984).
One member of the bursa executive, Michael Stechishin
(later a lawyer, judge, and supporter of the Ukrainian Orthodox
Church [Wynyard, 2006]), who still considered himself Ukrainian
Catholic at that time, examined the act incorporating the
Ruthenian Catholic Episcopal Corporation of Canada and discovered
that no restrictions were placed on it to ensure its Ukrainian
character – the bishop could be French, Irish, or Italian.
Budka drew up this charter himself and should have inserted
the appropriate clause to ensure its Ukrainian character
himself but he did not. Other Ukrainian Catholic charters
were examined with the same results (no Ukrainian character
guaranteed). Stechishin wrote:
This act is the greatest insult to the Ukrainian people
in Canada. It is distinctly named Catholic and not Greek
Catholic, meaning Roman Catholic. Over in Galicia the Poles
attempted to, with the aid of our bishops, to convert our
people from Orthodoxy to Greek Catholicism and in such a
way to destroy our nationality; and here Roman Catholics
with the aid of Bishop Budka are converting our people to
Roman Catholicism. At the same time, this same bishop pretends
to be Ukrainian, a national trustee, and demands that we
give into his hands our national institutions and property,
for he wishes to boast before the French of the achievements
among our ignorant people” (Yuzyk, 1981: p 70).
Stechisin, a member of the intelligentsia, wanted to ensure
that any Ukrainian Church retained its national (Ukrainian)
character and viewed Budka as one in a long line of clergy
who secretly wanted to suppress the Ukrainian nationality
and assimilate them into Roman Catholic fold, although Budka
was himself Ukrainian Catholic, as so often happened in
the Ukraine.
Growing Split between Ukrainian Catholic Clergy and
the Ukrainian-Canadian Intelligentsia
Although Bishop Budka had enormous influence over his
faithful, his loyalty to the Ukrainian people’s nationality
was questionable. In a letter, that was read at all parishes
during Sunday services, of July 27, 1914, a month after
Archduke Franz Ferdinand was assassinated at Sarajevo and
a few days before Canada entered World War I, Budka urged
that Ukrainian immigrants return to their “homeland” and
fight for Austria against Russia and Serbia. The letter
ended with “God save the Emperor and hear us whenever we
call you”. This letter met with no response from the Ukrainian
people, who viewed the Austrians as their oppressors, and
Budka was charged with treason by the Canadian government
(with charges later dropped by) (Kaye 1983, p.15). One possible
effect of this letter was that 5000 Ukrainian-Canadians
were interned as “enemy aliens” during World War I. As a
consequence, many Ukrainians never forgave Budka for this
letter (Krawchuk; pp 87-91).
Bishop Budka also denounced the bursa executive as warpers
of the Ukrainian people’s ancestral religion and predicted
that they would thrown out by the people. The bursa executive
retaliated with sworn affidavits that at an earlier meeting
with Budka at Canora on June 16, 1917, Budka had told them
that he would not support the bursa in any way unless it
became Ukrainian Catholic and it came under Episcopal corporation
(Yuzyk, 1981: pp 71-72). At the bursa’s Second National
Convention in December of 1917, attended by 700 delegates
from numerous local organisations, the executive of the
bursa received a vote of confidence (Yuzyk, 1981: pp 71-72).
This convention also demanded that the Union of Brest-Litovsk
be abrogated, that the bishops be elected by a sobor of
clergy and lay delegates, that priests be allowed to marry,
that congregations act as trustees of church property, and
that the church adhere to all dogmas and rites of the Eastern
Orthodox tradition (Krawchuk, 1989: pp 87-91).
In response, Rusyn denounced the convention as
being composed of people that were unpaid agents of the
Presbyterian Church, eager to convert the Ukrainians to
Protestantism. Bishop Budka began a campaign against the
bursa that lasted for years. The Redemptorists announced
in December of 1917, they would not accept confession from
or bury anyone in consecrated ground that supported the
bursa. It was claimed that Budka announced in a Easter
sermon that anyone who sent a child to the bursa could not
be a Catholic and they would be denied the Church’s sacraments
(Yuzyk, 1981: pp 72-73). Bishop Budka felt that it was beneath
his dignity to yield to an intelligentsia’s demands; the
intelligentsia, embittered by the hostile opposition of
the Greek Catholic, saw that their only hope lay with the
founding of a new church. The people, without adequate clergy
for decades and influenced by local Ukrainian-Canadian teachers
of this intelligentsia, increasingly turned to Orthodoxy
from their Ukrainian Catholic roots (Yuzyk, 1980).
Birth of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church
In 1917, the Russian revolution produced turmoil within
the Russian Orthodox Church in America as this church was
deprived of any resources from its mother church in terms
of financial support, guidance, and clergy. The Russian
Orthodox Church, which previously was a unified whole, began
to be slit according to national lines. Consequently, the
Ukrainian Orthodox Church in Canada was organised in Winnipeg
in 1919 (History, 2006; Meyendorff, 1960).
Faced with the destruction of the Czarist Russian Orthodox
Church, the leadership of the new class of Ukrainian-Canadian
intelligentsia who demanded reforms, the intransigence of
Bishop Budka to any of these reforms, the fact that many
parishes were without adequate priests for decades, and
the continuing battles with the local Ukrainian Catholic
hierarchy, many Ukrainian Catholics converted to Orthodoxy
and founded their own Orthodox church or joined the Roman
Catholic Church, where priests were plentiful (Trotsky,
1968: pp 20-24; Krawchuk, 1989: pp 87-91). The Ukrainian-Canadian
intelligentsia were instrumental in founding the Ukrainian
Autocephalous Orthodox Church of Canada in July of 1918
(Sysyn, 1998). The United States followed by establishing
the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the U.S.A. in 1920. The
growth of the Autocephalous Orthodox Church in the Americas
could be attributed to their freedom from Roman or from
St Petersburg-Moscow control, their association with the
mythical Ukrainian Cossack freedom-loving past, their use
of comprehensible Ukrainian rather than Old Slavonic in
their liturgy, parish ownership of church property, and
a conciliar form of church government. The Orthodox Church
in America declared itself part of the Ukrainian Autoencephalas
Orthodox Church which had been established in the newly
independent Ukraine (Yuzyk, 1982: pp 93-96). The Ukrainian
Catholic Church, long subservient to Roman Catholics and
insisting on an authoritarian hierarchical structure that
did not reflect the ideals of the Canadian environment,
could not adapt to the new Canadian conditions like the
Autocephalous Orthodox Church of Canada could (Petryshyn,
1985: p 26).
An Autocephalous Orthodox seminary was established in Saskatoon
in 1919. Many of the new Ukrainian-Canadian intelligentsia,
including the editor of Holos, became Ukrainian Autocephalous
Orthodox priests. Arrangements were made with Bishop Alexander
of the surviving Russian Orthodox Church in America for
recognition of the newly formed church and to ensure this
church’s apostolic succession. However, although Bishop
Alexander of the Russian Orthodox Church in America recognised
this new church, he soon accused this new church of replacing
Russian priests in Canada with their Ukrainian counterparts.
Tensions between the Ukrainian Canadian Autocephalous Orthodox
Church and the Russian Orthodox Church in America increased
until a break was made between the churches in 1919. As
a solution to this break, the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox
Church arranged for Bishop Germanos of the Syrian Orthodox
Church in the United States to act as temporary bishop of
this church until a permanent Ukrainian Orthodox bishop
in Canada could be found (Yuzyk, 1982: pp 93-96). A permanent
Orthodox bishop, Ivan Theodorovich consecrated by the Alexandrine
method, arrived from Ukraine to lead the North American
Autocephalous Ukrainian Orthodox Churches. However, whereas
the Autocephalous Orthodox Church in Canada accepted him
as its bishop, it nonetheless maintained for itself a separate
Canadian entity administered from Winnipeg (Trotsky, 1968:
pp 20-24). The Canadian Church from its beginning combined
Ukrainian and Canadian patriotism. In the U.S. a group of
Orthodox clergy and laity were dissatisfied from the start
with the legitimacy of episcopal orders of Bishop Theodorovich
and when a new group decided to convert from the Greek-Catholic
Church in 1928, they joined forces and established the Ukrainian
Orthodox Church of America (UOCA), which included the Ukrainian
Orthodox Church of Canada (UOCC), and accepted the jurisdiction
of the Patriarch of Constantinople (Sysyn, 1998; Trotsky,
1968: pp 20-24). The validity of the Autocephalous Orthodox
Church continued to be questioned. Finally, the Ukrainian
Catholic Church of America and the Autocephalous Ukrainian
Orthodox Church of Canada merged in August, 1949 and Bishop
Theodorovich was replaced by “apostolically-ordained” Bishop
Skrypnyk (Yuzyk, 1981).
Conclusion
Early Ukrainian immigration to Canada was confined from
the largely Ukrainian Catholic provinces of the Austrian-Hungarian
Empire. Although these early immigrants struggled to establish
themselves in a new land, one of their first actions was
to establish a church in order to serve as a community centre
and to maintain their self-identity in a foreign land filled
with assimilationist pressures. However, these churches
initially were to be placed under Roman Catholic control
with their property signed over to this church. This control
aroused, among Ukrainian-Canadian immigrants, a historical
fear of Latin domination and assimilation.
Another aspect of this Roman Catholic control was that
only celibate Ukrainian Catholic priests, a tiny minority,
would be allowed in America. Consequently, only a few Ukrainian
Catholic priests could be sent. Faced with Latin rite Catholic
hostility, poverty of early settlers who could not support
them, and the difficulty of ministering to the faithful
in widespread settlements, few of these priests stayed for
a long period of time.
The Russian Orthodox Church stepped into this vacuum.
With subsidies from the Russian Empire, they were able to
offer priests and church building subsidies for free or
at low cost. With a Slavic hierarchy, no jurisdictional
disputes with Latin Catholics, and the use of familiar liturgies,
they were an attractive element to Ukrainian-Canadian immigrants,
even if they were Ukrainian Catholic. Alarmed by mass conversions
of Catholics to Orthodoxy, the Catholic Church finally agreed
to establish a separate Ukrainian Catholic hierarchy in
North America.
At the same time, a new class of Ukrainian-Canadian intelligentsia,
many of whom were initially Ukrainian Catholic, was beginning
to form. This intelligentsia viewed others on the basis
of their degree of Ukrainian nationalism rather than denominational
affiliation. They increasingly battled with Ukrainian Catholic
Bishop Budka, who had demanded ecclesiastical control over
all affairs and who was unwilling to compromise with the
laity. This intelligentsia, particularly through their newspapers
and as local teachers, replaced the absent clergy as leaders
of the Ukrainian-Canadian communities.
With the Russian Revolution, the Russian Orthodox Church
fell into disarray. The Russian Orthodox Church’s jurisdiction
over North America ended. The Ukrainian-Canadian intelligentsia,
tired of battling with the Ukrainian Catholic Church and
seizing the opportunity that the Russian Orthodox Church’s
demise offered, formed their own church, the Autocephalous
Ukrainian Orthodox Church in Canada with a shared bishop
with the US, Theodorovich. Many of this intelligentsia became
priests of the new church. However, doubts about the legitimacy
of the new Orthodox bishop, Theodorovich, lingered and Ukrainian
Catholics, along with some Orthodox, formed another Orthodox
Church, the Orthodox Church of Canada, whose bishops were
canonically-ordained and under the jurisdiction of the Bishop
of Constantinople. The Autocephalous Ukrainian Orthodox
Church of Canada eventually merged with the Orthodox Church
of Canada in 1949.
This historical narrative has implications for ecumenism
in that the Ukrainian Catholic Church, in North America,
had received papal promises that it could maintain its own
rite and traditions. However, through restrictions on immigrating
Ukrainian Catholic clergy and other reasons, the Roman Catholic
Church did not respect the traditions of the Eastern rites.
Instead, it tried to make the Ukrainian Catholic faithful
conform to Roman Catholic ideals of celibate clergy and
clerical ownership of church property. Partially out of
this disregard for Eastern traditions, many Ukrainian faithful
in Canada decided to establish their own Orthodox Church.
Given the Roman Catholic history of “respecting tradition”
of Eastern rites within North America, as elsewhere, it
will be interesting to see what direction the future will
take us in regards to this phenomenon.
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